The debate about “migrants”—people living in Germany without German citizenship—has been dividing the country long before 2015. However, since the major refugee influx that year, the topic has escalated. Xenophobia has become more socially acceptable, even featuring as a top campaign issue for one party in the 2025 federal election. What’s the reality in Germany? Where do actual conflicts arise, and where are they merely imagined?
Focal Regions for Non-German Citizens
Most “foreigners” live in western Germany, specifically in Baden-Württemberg, Hesse, and North Rhine-Westphalia. Lower Saxony and Bavaria have slightly lower migrant densities. Historically, this could be attributed to the economic miracle beginning in the 1950s, centered on coal, steel, and automobile manufacturing in specific regions, attracting foreign workers. Thyssenkrupp, Volkswagen, and Mercedes-Benz were just three major employers.
However, this doesn’t fully explain why above-average numbers of non-German citizens are found in these areas in 2025. The Ruhr area, for instance, is reinventing itself and struggles with unemployment rather than labor shortages. One explanation is that metropolises naturally attract more people than rural areas, and western states have more major cities than Lower Saxony, Schleswig-Holstein, western Rhineland-Palatinate, or Saarland.
Fear of the Foreign – No Social Class or Region is Immune
The Swiss Foundation against Racism and Antisemitism emphasizes that xenophobia primarily stems from fear of losing control to “the foreign” (Source: gra.ch). Looking at Germany’s “migration map,” one fact is immediately apparent, while another becomes clear when reviewing the news.
Xenophobia isn’t just a German issue; parts of the Italian population, for example, are also skeptical of the ongoing refugee influx. However, there’s a difference: Despite verbal attacks from Lega leader Salvini, Italians generally deal with newcomers more calmly. In Germany, xenophobia has escalated to murders of certain population groups.
The more unfamiliar something is, the more suspicious people become. Bluntly put, yes, there are döner kebab shops in Dresden, but no, they’re not run by Turkish citizens. It would be risky for Turks. Citizens of the former GDR historically had late contact with “foreigners,” apart from Russian military personnel. Contract workers from countries like Poland, Mozambique, Cuba, or Vietnam only arrived from the late 1960s, importantly without the intention of integration. Contact with “foreigners” was undesired.
This historically conditioned lack of contact experience with “foreigners,” passed on to the next generation, may be one reason among many why a party with massively xenophobic slogans can celebrate such success in eastern Germany.
What Does Immigration Mean for the Future?
The Left Party leader, Jan van Aken, advocated for accepting one million refugees annually. As selfless as this idea may sound to some, it’s absurd considering the necessary infrastructure. There’s a severe housing shortage, the country is, to put it mildly, short on funds—not ideal conditions for becoming the world’s top refugee destination. Especially considering that metropolises with significant housing shortages remain the primary attraction.
The influx of non-German citizens will continue, but it’s time for some regulation. This may sound unsocial, but it’s necessary. People don’t remember the future mechanical engineer or bricklayer among newcomers, but the attackers in Magdeburg, Aschaffenburg, or Munich. This generalization, in turn, fuels those who exploit “fear of the foreign” to unsettle people and gain votes.
